Sand Creek Massacre National Historic Site

Visited: Nov 2022

Nearby town: Eads, CO

"Damn any man who sympathizes with Indians! I have come to kill Indians, and believe it is right and honorable to use any means under God's heaven to kill Indians. 

Kill and scalp all, big and little; nits make lice."

Col. John Chivington

commander of the U.S. Volunteers, 3rd Colorado Cavalry Regiment

A lonely, remote windswept plain along the Big Sandy Creek in eastern Colorado is the site of one of the greatest atrocities committed by the U.S. Army against the Native American peoples. 

On November 29, 1864, a 700-man force of the Third Colorado Cavalry, led by Colonel John Chivington, attacked and destroyed a village of peaceful Cheyenne and Arapahoe, who had been promised protection by the U.S. Army. More than 150 Native Americans were slaughtered, about two-thirds of whom were women and children.

Learn about the events leading up to the massacre at the Visitor's Center. Turn off the main highway east of the town of Eads, CO and travel approximately 8-miles along a well-maintained dirt road to the site.

Visitor's Center

By the terms of the 1851 Treaty of Fort Laramie, the US government recognized that the Cheyenne and Arapaho territory encompassed lands between the North Platte River and the Arkansas River, from western Kansas east to the Rocky Mountains (a large area that included present-day eastern Colorado, southeastern Wyoming, southwestern Nebraska, and the westernmost parts of Kansas).

However, gold was discovered in the Rocky Mountains in 1858 and sparked the Pikes Peak Gold Rush. American fortune-seekers flooded across Cheyenne and Arapaho lands and settled the town that would become Denver. Immigrants competed with the tribes for resources, and many settled on land designated as Cheyenne Territory in the 1851 Treaty. This inevitably led to conflict. 

Territorial officials in Colorado pleaded with the US government to negotiate a new treaty with the Cheyenne and Arapaho tribes. On February 18, 1861, six Cheyenne chiefs (including Black Kettle and Lean Bear) and four Arapaho chiefs, signed the Treaty of Fort Wise, in which the tribes agreed to cede much of their land recognized in the 1851 treaty. The new reservation, less than 1/13th the size of the territory recognized in the 1851 treaty, was located in eastern Colorado between the Arkansas River and Big Sandy Creek. 

Many Cheyenne bands were angry at the chiefs who had signed the new 1861 treaty. They considered the new treaty was illegitimate because it did not receive the blessing of the supreme tribal authority - the Council of 44 - and was only signed by a small minority of chiefs. The Cheyenne who disavowed the treaty formed a militaristic band, known as the Dog Soldiers, that resisted American expansion into their traditional lands. Hostilities broke out between the Dog Soldiers and American settlers throughout eastern Colorado. Black Kettle and Lean Bear called for peace with the US settlers and urged the Cheyenne and Arapaho tribes to abide by the terms of the new 1861 treaty. Black Kettle and Lean Bear traveled to Washington D.C. and met with President Abraham Lincoln. Black Kettle informed US authorities that he was committed to a peaceful solution in Colorado and would not ally with the Confederates against the Union. Lincoln gifted Black Kettle a large American flag and gifted Lean Bear a peace medal.

 

Chief Black Kettle

The territorial Governor of Colorado, John Evans, was convinced that the hostile Cheyenne tribes were planning to attack the newly-settled city of Denver. The ambitious Evans pushed for Colorado statehood and believed that conquering the hostile Cheyenne would lift his political popularity and elevate him to a position as a state governor or even U.S. Senator. In 1862, he appointed John Chivington as a colonel of a volunteer cavalry regiment. Like Evans, Chivington also had political aspirations.

Territorial Governor of Colorado, John Evans

Chivington was born in Ohio and at the age of 24 became a lay minister for the Methodist Church. His work with the Church eventually led him to Colorado. When the Civil War broke out, Chivington left the ministry and signed up to fight with the Union. His attack of the Confederate supply trains at the Battle of Glorieta Pass in New Mexico led to Confederate General Henry Sibley's retreat and eventual abandonment of Confederate plans to annex western territories. Chivington's actions at Glorieta Pass led to his appointment as commander of the Colorado cavalry regiment. As commander, Chivington quickly gained a reputation as an aggressive fighter against the Cheyenne.

Col. John Milton Chivington

Throughout the winter of 1863 and spring of 1864, conflicts between the Dog Soldiers and the US Army continued to escalate.

In April 1864, a herdsmen reported to Chivington that Cheyenne and Arapahos stole 60 oxen and 12 horses belonging to Irving, Jackmann & Company. The Cheyenne later stated that they had found the cattle wandering freely on the plains and took them to their camps, intending to keep them safe until someone could lay claim to them. Regardless of the Cheyenne's intentions in taking the cattle, a small contingent of US soldiers, led by Lt. Clark Dunn, were sent out to repossess the livestock. The ensuing confrontation between Dunn's men and the Cheyenne, which became known as the Battle of Fremont's Orchard, resulted in the deaths of four US soldiers. The Colorado War had begun. 

At this point, Chivington felt that there was no difference between hostile Cheyenne (Dog Soldiers) and peaceful Cheyenne (tribe led by Black Kettle, etc.) and, apparently with Gov. John Evans's approval, ordered his men to kill Cheyenne whenever and wherever found.

Acting on those orders a division of the Colorado regiment, led by Lt. George Eayre, marched out in May 1864 to Ash Creek, where Chief Lean Bear and his men were camped while hunting buffalo. As Lean Bear saw the army approach, he thought their intentions were peaceful, and he rode out to meet them donning the peace medal that Pres. Lincoln had gifted him a year earlier, signifying to Eayre's men that he was a peaceful, non-hostile Cheyenne. As Lean Bear approached, Eayre ordered his men to fire. Lean Bear was killed.

The following month, on June 11, 1864, the bodies of a ranch manager named Nathan Hungate, along with his wife and two daughters, were found murdered in their home about 25 miles southeast of Denver. Although it was never confirmed, authorities in Denver pinned the Hungate Massacre on the Cheyenne and Arapaho tribes, particularly the Dog Soldiers. 

Gov. Evans issued a proclamation that authorized "all citizens of Colorado to go in pursuit of all hostile Indians and kill and destroy all enemies of the country." A 3rd Colorado volunteer cavalry regiment was formed, in which volunteers signed up for a 100-day commitment, to fight the Cheyenne and Arapaho. Chivington was put in charge of this hastily-formed and poorly-trained volunteer regiment.

In July 1864, Gov. Evans issued a circular to the tribes, ordering that "friendly" Cheyenne and Arapaho should report to Fort Lyon for their safety and protection, and that tribes that did not report to Fort Lyon would be considered "hostile" and would be "pursued and destroyed." The Cheyenne distrusted Gov. Evans, but Black Kettle was friendly with Fort Lyon's commanding officer, Major Edward "Ned" W. Wynkoop, and urged the tribes to report peacefully to Fort Lyon.

Indian Agent, Maj. Edward Wanshear Wynkoop

Wynkoop welcomed Black Kettle's tribe at Fort Lyon. Wynkoop and Black Kettle then traveled to Denver to arrange peace talks with Gov. Evans and Col. Chivington. At the ensuing conference, it was agreed that Black Kettle and his tribe would settle along the Big Sandy Creek, about 40 miles northwest of Fort Lyon. Evans and Chivington promised that Black Kettle's tribe would be safe there. Wynkoop instructed Black Kettle to raise a US flag, with a white flag tied beneath it, over his lodge to signify to the Colorado Regiment that they were a peaceful tribe. Black Kettle's tribe, numbering about 750 men, women and children, relocated to Big Sandy Creek and set up camp. Following Wynkoop's instructions, Black Kettle raised a US flag and a white flag over his lodge.

Chivington disliked Wynkoop's conciliatory relationship with Black Kettle and the Cheyenne. After the peace conference, he pressured Gov. Evans to pull some strings and have the federal government re-assign Wynkoop elsewhere. In November 1864, Wynkoop was transferred to Fort Riley in Kansas and was replaced by Maj. Scott Anthony, who aligned more with Evans's and Chivington's attitude towards the Cheyenne and Arapaho. 

As things quieted down in eastern Colorado, Chivington was getting restless. He felt that he needed a great "victory" against the Cheyenne to justify the necessity of the Third Colorado Regiment and to jumpstart his political career. On November 28, 1864, Chivington and about 550 of his men, arrived at Fort Lyon. During a night of drunken revelry, some soldiers overheard Chivington boasting to Maj. Anthony that he longed to kill the Cheyenne and "wade in their blood."

The next morning, on November 29, 1864, About 250 of Anthony's men joined with Chivington's regiment and rode out to Black Kettle's settlement along the Big Sandy Creek. Chivington ordered his men to attack the village. Two of Anthony's officers, Capt. Silas Soule and Lt. Joseph Cramer, were shocked and appalled. They could see the US flag and the white flag flying over Black Kettle's lodge, they knew this was a band of non-hostile Cheyenne. Soule protested the order, saying that attacking the village would violate the safety pledge and dishonor the uniform. Chivington angrily repeated his order to attack. Both Soule and Cramer refused to comply, and ordered their men to hold fire.

The rest of Chivington's men, however, proceeded to attack Black Kettle's camp and murdered the Cheyenne indiscriminately. In the ensuing panic, Cheyenne fled for their lives and, with very few arms, were unable to offer much resistance. Many died while attempting to flee. After the carnage, the Colorado regiment scalped the dead, mutilated their corpses, and would later proudly display the dismembered body parts as trophies among the saloons of Denver. Chivington himself boasted that they had killed as many as 500-600 Cheyenne warriors, but other contemporary sources put the number of dead around 80-200. Historians generally agree that about 150 Cheyenne were killed, two-thirds of which were women and children.

The papers initially reported the events as a glorious victory for Chivington against the hostile Cheyenne. But Capt. Soule, who had bravely disobeyed the order to attack, knew he needed to alert the authorities of the truth: that Chivington committed an atrocious, barbaric genocide.

Soule wrote to Maj. Wynkoop the following:

I refused to fire, and swore that none but a coward would, for by this time hundreds of women and children were coming towards us, and getting on their knees for mercy. I tell you Ned it was hard to see little children on their knees have their brains beat out by men professing to be civilized. ... I saw two Indians hold one of another's hands, chased until they were exhausted, when they kneeled down, and clasped each other around the neck and were both shot together. They were all scalped, and as high as half a dozen taken from one head. They were all horribly mutilated. One woman was cut open and a child taken out of her, and scalped. ... Squaw's snatches were cut out for trophies. You would think it impossible for white men to butcher and mutilate human beings as they did there. 

Wynkoop was horrified. He verified the account with Soule and interviewed other witnesses in the ensuing weeks and months. Wynkoop convinced Congress to conduct an investigation into Chivington's actions. In February 1865, when Chivington learned that a Congressional investigation was inevitable, he quickly resigned his military commission. 

In the spring of 1865, the Joint Committee on the Conduct of War heard testimony from dozens and dozens of witnesses, including from Capt. Soule.

Capt. Silas Soule

John S. Smith, an interpreter for the Colorado regiment, also testified as follows:

I saw the bodies of those lying there cut all to pieces, worse mutilated than any I ever saw before; the women cut all to pieces ... With knives; scalped; their brains knocked out; children two or three months old; all ages lying there, from sucking infants up to warriors ... By whom were they mutilated? By the United States troops.

Maj. Scott Anthony, Wynkoop's replacement at Fort Lyon who had provided men to support Chivington, was horrified by Chivington's actions and what he himself had helped facilitate and also testified: 

There was one little child, probably three years old, just big enough to walk through the sand. The Indians had gone ahead, and this little child was behind, following after them. The little fellow was perfectly naked, travelling in the sand. I saw one man get off his horse at a distance of about seventy-five yards and draw up his rifle and fire. He missed the child. Another man came up and said, 'let me try the son of a bitch. I can hit him.' He got down off his horse, kneeled down, and fired at the little child, but he missed him. A third man came up, and made a similar remark, and fired, and the little fellow dropped.

After going through the exhibits at the Visitor's Center (make sure to watch the park video as well), take the walking trail out to the monument overlooking the massacre site. It was a cold November morning on our visit, the wind was strong and the earth barren and unforgiving. Our visit was a few days before the 158th anniversary of the massacre itself.

the trail out to the memorial and the massacre site is about 1-mile round trip.

along the bluffs overlooking the valley of the Big Sandy Creek

the site of the massacre

This monument, erected in the mid-20th century, still refers to the site as the Sand Creek "Battle"

In its official report following the hearing, the Congressional Committee condemned Col. Chivington and concluded as follows:

As to Colonel Chivington, your committee can hardly find fitting terms to describe his conduct. Wearing the uniform of the United States, which should be the emblem of justice and humanity; holding the important position of commander of a military district, and therefore having the honor of the government to that extent in his keeping, he deliberately planned and executed a foul and dastardly massacre which would have disgraced the veriest savage among those who were the victims of his cruelty. Having full knowledge of their friendly character, having himself been instrumental to some extent in placing them in their position of fancied security, he took advantage of their in-apprehension and defenceless condition to gratify the worst passions that ever cursed the heart of man.

Whatever influence this may have had upon Colonel Chivington, the truth is that he surprised and murdered, in cold blood, the unsuspecting men, women, and children on Sand creek, who had every reason to believe they were under the protection of the United States authorities, and then returned to Denver and boasted of the brave deed he and the men under his command had performed.

In conclusion, your committee are of the opinion that for the purpose of vindicating the cause of justice and upholding the honor of the nation, prompt and energetic measures should be at once taken to remove from office those who have thus disgraced the government by whom they are employed, and to punish, as their crimes deserve, those who have been guilty of these brutal and cowardly acts.

Although the Committee had recommended charges be brought against Chivington, at that time a military court could not carry out punishment because Chivington had resigned his military commission before the investigation had formally commenced. Ultimately, Chivington escaped any formal prosecution or criminal charges for his actions at Sand Creek, but his reputation had been ruined and his political hopes dashed. Chivington wandered to Washington, D.C., California, Ohio, and finally returned to Denver and worked as a deputy sheriff until his death in 1894 at the age of 73. To the end of his days, Chivington defended his actions at Sand Creek and said his attack was a proper response to Cheyenne and Arapaho raids on white settlements.

The Committee also found that Gov. John Evans was partly responsible for the Sand Creek Massacre, and Evans was forced to resign as territorial governor. Evans later served as President of the Denver Pacific Railroad in the 1870s, became fabulously wealthy, and was instrumental in the growth of the small town of Denver to the bustling metropolis it is today. He saw Colorado become a state in 1876. Evans spent the rest of his life in Denver, and passed away in 1897 at the age of 83.

Capt. Silas Soule, whose testimony was vital in exposing Chivington's actions as a massacre, was branded by some of the Colorado Regiment as a "traitor" and received death threats for agreeing to testify against Chivington. On April 23, 1865, about two months after testifying to the Committee, that threat was carried out when Soule was shot to death while on duty as provost marshal in Denver in an apparent assassination. Soule was 26 years old.

As for Black Kettle, the Cheyenne chief was severely wounded at the massacre, but managed to survive. Despite all that had happened, Black Kettle still believed in pacifism and urged the Cheyenne and Arapaho to seek a peaceful solution with the US government. After the events of Sand Creek, many Cheyenne tribes completely distrusted the US Army and refused to listen to Black Kettle's counsel. The Cheyenne and Arapaho united with the Comanche, Kiowa, and Sioux tribes to wage war against white settlements across the Great Plains. The war between the US Army and Native American tribes in the west would last until the 1890s.

Black Kettle and his small remaining tribe signed the Medicine Lodge Treaty in October 1867, in which his band relocated to Indian Territory (present-day Oklahoma) in an attempt to cease hostilities by moving far away from the white settlements in Colorado. It was to no avail. Black Kettle was killed on November 27, 1868 (two days shy of the four-year anniversary of Sand Creek Massacre) while trying to escape from Lt. Col. George Custer's attack at Washita Creek in Oklahoma. Black Kettle was 65 years old.

The Sand Creek Massacre National Historic Site was established in 2007 and is administered by the NPS.

a replica of the US flag gifted by Abraham Lincoln to Chief Black Kettle (with 34 stars on it) is raised each day at the Visitor's Center at Sand Creek Massacre National Historic Site

In a letter addressed to Col. James Rusling, Kit Carson, the colorful frontiersman and Indian fighter, expressed his disdain for Chivington and the Sand Creek Massacre as follows:

Jis' to think of that dog Chivington and his dirty hounds, up thar at Sand Creek. His men shot down squaws, and blew the brains out of little innocent children. You call sich soldiers Christians, do ye? And Indians savages? What der yer s'pose our Heavenly Father, who made both them and us, thinks of these things? I tell you what, I don't like a hostile red skin any more than you do. And when they are hostile, I've fought 'em, hard as any man. But I never yet drew a bead on a squaw or papoose, and I despise the man who would.

November 29, 1864 was a dark day in the history of our nation. It is difficult to read about, but it is a history that cannot be ignored or swept under the rug. It needs to be exposed, analyzed, and understood, so that nothing like it will ever be repeated.

For more info: https://www.nps.gov/sand/index.htm

Jimmy Carter National Historical Park

Visited: Nov 2022

Nearby town: Plains, GA; Nearby city: Americus, GA

"We have to inspire our children and grandchildren to take on challenges and risks that at first may seem overwhelming, or even impossible. They need to understand that the only failure is not trying."

-Jimmy Carter

I'm sure it seemed overwhelming (if not impossible) to a small boy, born to a modest farmer in rural Georgia, that he would one day rise to become the governor of the state and eventually the President of the entire country. But little Jimmy was determined to give it a try.

Jimmy Carter National Historical Park details the life & times of our nation's 39th president (1977 - 1981). The park preserves: (1) the boyhood farm - where Carter lived from age 4 until he left for college; (2) the former Plains High School where Carter graduated in 1941 (the high school serves as the Visitor's Center and Museum); and (3) the old railroad depot that served as Carter's campaign headquarters for the 1976 presidential election. Technically, the park boundaries also include Carter's residence at 209 Woodland Drive. However, this site is not open to the public as Jimmy and his wife, Rosalynn, still reside there. 

Jimmy was born James Earl Carter, Jr. on October 1, 1924 at the local hospital in Plains, Georgia. Carter was the first president to be born in a hospital. Plains is a small town (pop. 573) in southwestern Georgia. Carter's father, James Earl Sr., ran a local general store and invested in farmland. Carter's mother, Lillian, worked as a nurse. At 4 years old, Carter's family settled on a farm along a dirt road just outside of town in an area almost entirely populated by African-Americans. 

Start your visit at the boyhood farm. Learn about Carter's earliest years and some of his earliest memories. There is a nice trail of about 1-2 miles to see the boyhood home and other outbuildings on the farm.

A room inside the boyhood home.

Little Jimmy was an avid reader. When he wasn't working on the farm, he would frequently spend time here, reading any book he could find

farmland

boyhood home. Jimmy lived here from age 4 until he left for college at the US Naval Academy

kitchen

Jimmy's bedroom

Jimmy's father ran a country store on the property

inside the country store

as a teenager, Jimmy demonstrated an entreprenurial spirit. His father gave him an acre of land to run and manage on his own. Jimmy grew, packaged, and sold peanuts. 

Tara saw this black cat hanging out by the barn

this small tennant home is where Rachel & Jack Clark lived. Rachel & Jack worked for Carter Sr. as farmhands. As a boy, Jimmy worked alongside them on the farm: hoeing weeds, stacking peanuts, picking cotton, and tending to the farm animals. After the chores were done, Jimmy would go fishing with Rachel and listen to her stories about life and her words of wisdom. 

Jimmy's interactions with Rachel, and other African-American farmhands, influenced his views and led him to support the civil rights movement in the 50s and 60s (at least moderately) at a time when most whites in Georgia were staunchly pro-segregation. Jimmy later wrote that "of all the people who lived near us on the farm, Rachel Clark was the most remarkable and made the most significant and lasting impact on me." 

Once you conclude your visit of the farm, head into town to see the Plains High School, which also serves as the site's Visitors Center and Museum. Plains High School opened in 1921 and operated as a high school until 1979. Carter was known for being studious and somewhat reserved. He played on the basketball team and was a member of the Future Farmers of America, where he developed woodworking skills. 

While Carter was enrolled at Plains High School, the Superintendent was Julia L. Coleman (aka "Miss Julia"). Miss Julia, an English teacher, was the first female superintendent in the Georgia public school system. Her innovative cirriculum developed at Plains High School was later adopted at other schools statewide. Miss Julia had a profound impact on Jimmy's life. In his inagural address, Carter quoted Miss Julia who taught him that "we must adjust to changing times and still hold to unchanging principles."

front entrance to Plains High School

classroom arranged to look as it did when Jimmy attended school here

Jimmy's mother Lillian was famously interviewed while sitting in this rocking chair during the 1976 campaign. 

auditorium

the Plains High School is a beautiful building

From a young age, Jimmy was a devout evangelical Christian. In 1942, at 18-years old, he became a deacon in the local baptist church and taught Sunday School. Carter continued to teach Sunday School in Plains all the way until 2020. Carter's deep faith in Jesus shaped and influenced his humanitarian views, commitment to peace, and progressive ideology.

In 1943, Carter enrolled at the US Naval Academy in Annapolis, Maryland. While there, he fell in love with Rosalynn Smith, who was a friend of his younger sister Ruth. They married upon his graduation from the Naval Academy in 1946. As an officer in the Navy, Carter worked on the fledgling nuclear submarine program.

In July 1953, a tragic event changed the course of young Carter's life. Carter's father died of pancreatic cancer at the age of 58. As the eldest son, Carter felt he should manage and run the family farm. He left active duty on October 9, 1953 and returned to Plains. Times were tough for their young family, but he soon built a large and financially successful peanut farm.

As a lifelong Democrat and due to his interest and involvement in civic affairs, Carter decided to enter politics in the 1960s. He became a state senator in 1963, and ran for governor of Georgia in 1966, but was unsuccessful. He tried again in 1970 and won. Carter surprised many (and angered many) when he announced during his gubernatorial inauguration that "the time of racial discrimination is over." He introduced reforms (merging 300 state agencies down to 22) to reduce the budget, provided equal state aid to schools, and attracted attention of environmentalists when he vetoed a controversial plan to build a dam on the Flint River. 

Running on a platform to restore trust in the White House, Carter entered the 1976 presidential campaign. Carter was largely unknown outside of Georgia, so much so that pundits derisively said "Jimmy who?" upon hearing the announcement. Carter proudly responded "I'm Jimmy Carter, and I'm running for president." Positioning himself as a moderate between ardent-segregationist Alabama Gov. George Wallace and more liberal candidates such as Sen. Frank Church of Idaho and Gov. Jerry Brown of California, Carter won the Iowa caucus and New Hampshire primary and eventually became the nominee. 

The old train depot in Plains became Carter's official campaign headquarters.

this memorable peanut statue was presented to Carter by the Indiana Democratic Party during the 1976 campaign. The statue now stands just north of the Plains High School. The statue emphasizes Jimmy's career as a peanut farmer and his distinctive toothy grin. 

Carter's humble roots, cheery disposition, apparent sincerity, his promise to restore integrity and trust in the federal government in the wake of the Watergate scandal, and his position as a Washington outsider, helped elevate him in the 1976 election over Nixon's former VP-turned-President Gerald Ford.

As president, Carter established the Department of Energy and the Department of Education. He negotiated the Panama Canal treaties, which transferred control of the canal from the US to the nation of Panama in the year 1999. He also created a number of national monuments in the state of Alaska. Perhaps Carter's greatest success as President was his negotiation of the Camp David Accords, a monumental peace treaty that normalized relations between the nations of Israel and Egypt, who had been at war for decades and decades.

Carter's term was also fraught with many difficulties. Carter's "outsider" status, which had served him well during the campaign, led to conflicts with the House and Senate, even though they were both controlled by Carter's own Democratic party. Carter did not have much desire to engage in the "political games" necessary to convince legislative leaders to pass the bills and set the budgets/funding he wanted to enact. Many congressional leaders (who were also Democrats) felt slighted when Carter did not return phone calls, or balked at their proposals (which Carter denounced as "pork barrel" spending, etc.). Complicating the rift between the White House and the Capitol was a period of high inflation, the energy crisis, gas shortages, and economic stagnation/recession. Carter's speech about economic troubles, in which he called it a "crisis of confidence" was rather infamous and dubbed as the "malaise" speech.

The US boycott of the 1980 Olympics in Moscow (in response to the Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan), and the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the resultant hostage crisis led to a perception among the American public that Carter was weak and ineffective. The struggles took a toll on Carter. He seemed tired and worn-out, the charm and optimism of Jimmy during the 1976 campaign was gone.   

As the 1980 election approached, Carter was challenged by Massachusetts Sen. Ted Kennedy in the primary. Although Carter managed to survive the primary, he lost re-election in a landslide to the charismatic movie-star and former governor of California, Ronald Reagan. 

After his single term in office, Carter returned to Plains and has revitalized his reputation as a great humanitarian. His charity organization, the Carter Center, seeks to advance human rights and alleviate suffering by monitoring elections, expanding democracy in foreign countries, advocating for victims of human rights abuses, and working to eradicate guinea worm disease, malaria, river blindness, trachoma, elephantiasis, and other contagious diseases.

Carter and Rosalynn are also instrumental figures in the non-profit organization Habitat for Humanity, and have personally volunteered to build affordable homes for thousands and thousands of people. In 2002, Carter was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his work to "find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development" through the Carter Center.

Jimmy and Rosalynn still live in the modest home they purchased in 1961 at 209 Woodland Drive in Plains, GA. It is the only home that the Carters have owned. The site is not open to the public, but when the proper time comes, the home will be a part of the NPS site and operate as a museum. The Carters plan to be buried on the property. 

You can drive by the house, it's right along the main highway that runs through Plains. It is estimated that the Secret Service vehicles on the property combined are worth more than the home itself. 😀 Carter prides himself on his simple, modest, and frugal lifestyle. He attributes his longevity to his happy marriage. Carter entered hospice care earlier this year (April 2023), but his caretakers report that he enjoys spending time with Rosalynn and his family, and eats a bowl of peanut butter ice cream every day.

Carter residence along the highway, behind security fencing.

Carter holds the record for longest-lived President (he turns 99 on October 1, 2023), the longest post-presidency (he left office over 42 years ago), and the longest marriage of a President (he and Rosalynn have been married for over 77 years and counting!)  

Tara and I also had the privilege to visit the Carter Presidential Library and Museum in Atlanta, GA several years ago. What struck me the most from learning about Carter is that, whatever his shortcomings were as President, and wherever you happen to sit on the political spectrum, it is undeniable that he is a truly sincere person, a good man that tries his best to do what is right, and has devoted his life to serving others less fortunate than himself.

To learn more about the NPS site:

https://www.nps.gov/jica/index.htm